For Release: December 20, 2005

POLITICAL REPORT CARD FOR 2005 SPOTLIGHTS
“THE GOOD, THE BAD, AND THE UGLY

The Bad: Eye Docs, UNC PAC, Cigarette Firms, Beer Wholesalers

A government watchdog group today cited state legislative action for campaign reform and a record number of investigations into wrongdoing by lobbyists, public officials and campaign donors as reasons why 2005 could be remembered as the “breakthrough year” for major reforms of North Carolina’s political system.

“This year, more agencies conducted more investigations into more aspects of political corruption than at any time in the past 20 years,” said Bob Hall, director of Democracy North Carolina, a nonpartisan center that monitors the influence of money on state politics.

“The continuing revelations of problems involving lobbyists, the lottery, political money, and House Speaker Jim Black add to the routine stories of pay-to-play politics and make it impossible for policymakers to deny that the system is broken,” he added. “Investigations by the State Board of Elections, SBI, Attorney General, FBI and US Attorney are all in motion and what they uncover will add more pressure on lawmakers to take action on ethics and campaign finance reform.”

In a report card titled 2005: Scandal & Reform,” Democracy North Carolina highlights a dozen well-known and lesser-known activities involving politicians, money and special-interest lobbies that are classified as “The Good, The Bad, and The Ugly.”

As examples of “The Bad,” the report card describes four cases of special-interest groups showering legislators with money to gain favorable treatment, especially during the budget writing process. “We see examples of pay-to-play politics every year, but year-round fundraising makes everything worse,” the report said. “From strip club owners to ivory tower trustees, they all think they need to pony up big money to get their case heard.” The report card says:

   • Optometrists gave more than $125,000 to legislative and Council of State candidates in the 2004 election. Fellow optometrist Jim Black received the most – $59,750 – and was instrumental in getting a provision added to the 2005 budget that requires five-year-olds entering public school to receive an eye exam. School officials, pediatricians, and the N.C. Medical Society point out that school children already receive eye tests and the $75 or so per exam is a needless burden on parents and an annual windfall of $8 million-plus for optometrists.

   • Citizens for Higher Education PAC, funded by UNC-Chapel Hill trustees, financial backers and Rams Club members, surpassed all other special-interest political action committees in giving to 2004 legislative candidates; it passed out $337,500, including the maximum $8,000 to 15 Democratic and Republican legislative leaders. Among other benefits to the PAC’s donors, the 2005 budget included scholarship aid to more out-of-state UNC students, chiefly athletes, thereby saving the Rams Club millions of dollars.

   • The beer industry poured $565,000 into state politics in the last election, including funds from wholesalers across North Carolina and from the NC Beer & Wine Wholesalers PAC. The industry worries about a plethora of issues, from the alcohol content of beer to registration for kegs, but the big one looming is a higher tax on beer. Despite strong support among state Senate leaders to raise the beer tax, the industry’s political muscle has repeatedly killed that proposal.

   • Malcolm Bailey of Keysville, Virginia, who runs upstart S&M Tobacco, handed out $4,000 checks to 14 legislators from Sept. 2003 through Jan. 2005 – more big donations than any other individual except John W. Pope of Variety Wholesalers. All totaled, the Bailey family and its firm gave $272,000 to legislative candidates and their affiliated committees, and it won some battles with Big Tobacco. But Big Tobacco gives, too – $540,000 in 2003-04 to the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee alone. In 2005, the state budget included a provision sought by Big Tobacco to require small companies like S&M to pay an expensive new allocation to the state.

As positive achievements for 2005, the report card spotlights several developments:

   • The General Assembly adopted stricter regulations of lobbyists in 2005 – the first significant changes since 1991 – and House Speaker Jim Black recently indicated he is ready to see a total ban on gifts from lobbyists, a measure the state Senate leadership has already endorsed.

   • Despite objections from the N.C. Bar Association, legislative leaders also agreed to charge attorneys a $50 annual fee to support a public financing program for appellate judicial elections.

   • Forty-two percent of the House and Senate – 72 Democrats and Republicans – signed on as co-sponsors of the “Voter-Owned Elections Act,” which would provide a public financing option in elections for the agency heads on the Council of State. The bill has received no action, but reformers expect it to be taken up in 2006.

“A growing number of legislators are tired of the money hustle and the damage it does to the reputation of politicians and government in general,” said Hall. “They’d like to have an alternative source of ‘clean’ campaign money so they can reject special-interest donations and end the appearance of participating in a pay-to-play system.”

“The Ugly” section of the Democracy North Carolina report card lists the on-going probes of the apparent false statements of Lottery Commission member Kevin Geddings, the activities of Meredith Norris as Jim Black’s political advisor and paid lobbyist/consultant, and the charges involving illegal video-poker donations made to Black and Michael Decker.

The report also describes a little-noticed investigation of a federal committee affiliated with Black that has been underway for several months, prodded by inquiries from the N.C. Republican Party. “The Board of Elections is essentially investigating whether the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee engaged in the same kind of laundering of corporate money that Republican leader Tom Delay is charged with doing in
Texas,” said Hall. “There are legitimate questions about the source of the $395,000 the DLCC donated to the House and Senate caucus committees of the state Democratic Party.”

“Jim Black is clearly at the vortex of the swirl of the state and federal investigations proceeding on multiple fronts,” said Hall. “But the report card shows there are other positive and negative reasons, unrelated to Black, for considering 2005 the year that could open the door for significant legislation affecting ethics, lobbying, and campaign financing.”

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